Prime Minister Tony Blair underwent an operation for a heart condition while he was serving in office in Seven British prime ministers have died while in office, but the most recent one was in It is likely that, after the coronavirus pandemic ends, those in charge in the United Kingdom will seriously consider putting together a formal plan of action in writing.
But, if Johnson's health remains as steady as reported, this plan won't be needed in the near future. The best way to prevent contracting or spreading coronavirus is with thorough hand washing and social distancing. If you feel you may be experiencing symptoms of coronavirus, which include persistent cough usually dry , fever, shortness of breath, and fatigue, please call your doctor before going to get tested.
For comprehensive resources and updates, visit the CDC website. If you are experiencing anxiety about the virus, seek out mental health support from your provider or visit NAMI.
Distractify is a registered trademark. All Rights Reserved. Anand Menon, an analyst who often comments on government affairs, said if Johnson were incapacitated, Raab would be his stand-in until the Conservative Party elected a new leader, since Johnson deputized him before being taken to the hospital. But particularly in light of chaos caused by the coronavirus, with public gatherings no longer possible, the normal party convention and vote to pick a new prime minister could take weeks or months.
Seven British prime ministers have died in office, according to gov. Laura King is a Washington, D. She previously served as bureau chief in Jerusalem, Kabul and Cairo. Frustration, defiance in Welsh village to be abandoned to the sea. Biden and Xi to hold virtual summit Monday to discuss tensions. All Sections. About Us. So what would happen during a national emergency? Put bluntly: if Boris Johnson had died, how would his successor have been chosen?
It would plainly be impossible to ballot the party membership in the middle of a national emergency, and a government could not simply suspend operations — as the Labour opposition effectively did — while a contest was taking place.
But how would she or he be chosen? How much authority would they have, when everyone knew they were a placeholder and when others were jockeying for position? At the very moment when a government was making decisions of life and death, its leadership would lack authority. A lame-duck premier might struggle to stay afloat in the stormy waters of a national crisis.
Perhaps a prime minister should name a deputy, who could step into their shoes? But what authority would they have, once the prime minister who appointed them had died? What if MPs — or the wider public — did not support the new prime minister? Candidates for the leadership could run on a ticket, with a nominated deputy who would share their personal mandate. Yet the candidates for such a post might not be drawn from the front rank of the party, as only those who did not rate their own leadership chances would be likely to stand.
Alternatively, we could revert at moments of crisis to an older system, by which MPs alone chose the leader. This happened de facto in , when other candidates pulled out and allowed Theresa May to be elected unopposed. But what if other candidates refused to stand down? They might have different views on how best to tackle the emergency and feel a public duty not to concede. In the absence of formal rule changes, it could be difficult to prevent a really determined candidate from forcing a contest.
When I have raised these questions on social media, all these answers and more have been put forward. Had the worst happened last month, some would have been surprised, to say the least, when their prescription was not followed.
This is not a scenario that an advanced democracy should contemplate lightly.
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